The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was seen as arguably the most significant holders of that office in the nation's history. Whereas numerous vice-presidents had to settle for peripheral or symbolic functions, Cheney wielded substantial power during the term of George W Bush, so much so that he was commonly described as the "real president".
Bush disliked such a characterisation and stated the relationship was more nuanced. He observed that Cheney was deferential, invariably referring to him in public settings as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their association as a partnership because it suggested that they were equals. Despite these objections, Cheney found the relaxed president accommodating on a broad range of policy decisions.
A Period Following the Attacks
Leading of a faction of conservative hawks that featured military head Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a meeting at a school in Florida. Whereas Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, ordering the downing of any unresponsive planes heading toward the Capitol building.
Cheney said the assaults changed him, causing him to be determined on revenge. Along with other neo-conservatives, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the invasion of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Debated Policies
He expressed no regrets about the armed intervention, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis died, or about the enhanced interrogation of suspects captured after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was predicated on misleading reports repeated by Cheney, was the right course of action. "It represented the right thing to do at that time. I had faith then and I maintain that stance today."
But during that period, there were contrary opinions at a top tier about the poor management of Iraq. One of the administration's own representatives to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the role. "I observed, at the very least," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, inaction, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, deception, unfitness, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for such action. He had written a memorandum outlining circumstances in which American interests might be threatened (encompassing "obtaining vital raw materials, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "America should be postured to take unilateral action when cooperative measures cannot be orchestrated," particularly referencing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush too had arrived in the presidency vaguely intent on implementing what his predecessor had famously refused to do in 1991; remove Saddam. After he had been sacked by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his objective of lowering America's engagement in the regional tensions and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush carried a private grievance against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a scheme to murder his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally disliked that one of the largest hotels in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his parent's visage that all visitors had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was among the most vociferous behind attacking Iraq, frequently quoting agency briefings that were either weak or entirely deceptive. He endorsed what the Bush government indirectly described as "intensive questioning", the application of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.
Responding to a Senate document in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "riddled with crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to establish protocols and create initiatives to catch the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they deserve a lot of praise."
Public Persona
Cheney reveled in nicknames given to him by critics such as the Star Wars villain and The Prince of Darkness, and by the notion that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 volume about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Do I represent the evil genius in the corner that remains unseen leave his hole? This represents a advantageous way to function, truthfully."
Business Interests
Controversy over his commercial relationships followed him throughout his time as VP. Even though he had minimal expertise in commerce but strong connections in security, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas corporations, in 1995 as chairman and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's VP candidate for the presidency. Debatably, during the military campaign, Halliburton was granted US agreements worth substantial sums.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his tenure at the corporation grew from his $258,394 when he was Pentagon chief to millions. When he left in 2000 he had a compensation package totaling more than $20m|twenty